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A couple-swapping comedy featuring a concert pianist. 
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A still featured in Picture Play Magazine, October 1929

Date of Release: June 29, 1929
Studio: Paramount Famous Lasky Corp
Director: Victor Schertzinger
Screenplay: Louise Long, Melville Baker, Richard H. Digges Jr.
Music: Leo Robin, Victor Schertzinger
Leading Actors: Adolphe Menjou (Paul de Remy), Fay Compton (Marie de Remy), Miriam Seegar (Delphine Martin), John Miljan (Dr. Martin), Joan Standing (Miss Weller), Robert Wayne (Levisohn), Russ Powell (Joe), Billie Bennett (Jane), Jacques Vanaire (Valet) 
Fashions in Love was the film version of Hermann Bahr’s highly acclaimed play The Concert. The play opened on Broadway in 1910 and played 264 performances.
 
As described by Variety, the plot centered around atemperamental musician, the idol of women who gets way with anything but depends on his wife for everything.” The pianist organizes a “private concert,” or weekend away, with his new girlfriend, only to discover his wife, and girlfriend’s husband, are along for the ride. To the surprise of the pianist, the jilted pair declare their love. Eventually all return happily to their spouses.
 
The storyline received mixed reviews, but the critics loved Fashions in Love. The Educational Screen (September 1929) called it “A worthy screening of the stage original,” while Motion Picture News stated, it “brings the laughs in good measure."
 
The reviewers unanimously agreed that Adolphe Manjou had triumphed in his first talkie. The Film Daily stated “Menjou scores a personal triumph, and comes through… with flying colors and lots to spare.” The Educational Screen and Picture Play Magazine both declared the performance to be one his best.
 
Menjou started out as an extra and went on to become a highly celebrated dapper leading man of silent and sound films. He appeared in nearly 150 films and in 1931 was nominated for an Academy Award (Best Actor in a Leading Role) for The Front Page (1931). His autobiography, It Took Nine Tailors, was published in 1948. Manjou's film credits include A Farewell to Arms (1932), Gold Diggers of 1935 (1935), The Goldwyn Follies (1938), and Pollyanna (1960).

The other leads, Fay Compton, Miriam Seegar, and John Miljan, generally received positive reviews. English-born Fay Compton came from a theatrical family and was herself a prominent stage and screen actress. She performed in both contemporary and classic plays and appeared in over 80 films and television shows. Compton’s screen credits include Strauss’ Great Waltz (1934), The Life and Adventures if Nicholas Nickleby (1947), Laughter in Paradise (1951), Othello (1952), various series featuring plays for television, and I Start Counting (1970).
 
English-born Miriam Seegar started out as a stage actress and appeared in 17 Hollywood films. She retired in 1933 after marriage. She was one of the last surviving silent film stars when she died at the age of 103 in 2011.
 
John Miljan was a highly prolific actor with a successful career playing villains. He appeared in over 200 films and television shows, and his credits include Innocents of Paris (1929), Untamed (1929), Devil-May-Care (1929), Show Girl in Hollywood (1930), The Ghost Walks (1934), and The Ten Commandments (1956).
 
Director Victor Schertzinger also received critical praise. He was a multi-talented and highly prolific musician, composer, director and writer. After an illustrious start as a child prodigy on the violin, Schertzinger went on to become an influential Hollywood player. Reportedly one of the first people to compose a score for film, he also wrote dozens of songs including “Tangerine,” “Dream Lover,” “Paris,” and “Marquita.” Schertzinger directed 90 films including Paramount on Parade (1930), The Mikado (1939), and Road to Zanzibar (1941).
 
Unusually for this period the leading script writer was a woman, Louise Long. She wrote 18 screenplays between 1926 and 1933, and appeared in three films. Unfortunately, there is scant information about her currently available.
 
The critics did not mention the music, except for the fact that it was poorly recorded. Fashions in Love featured two songs, “Delphine” and “I Still Believe in You” by Schertzinger and Leo Robin.
 
Fashions in Love opened to strong houses, but the numbers quickly dwindled.
 
Although not lost, the reels currently held at UCLA are significantly damaged and not watchable. 
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A Warner Bros vehicle for "The Last of the Red Hot Mamas," Sophie Tucker. 
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Date of Release: June 4, 1929
Studio: Warner Bros
Director: Lloyd Bacon
Screenplay: C. Graham Baker, Leslie S. Barrows, Jack Yellen, DeLeon Anthony
Music : Milton Ager, Shelton Brooksword, Jack Yellen
Choreographer: Larry Ceballos
Leading Actors: Sophie Tucker (Sophie Leonard), Lila Lee (Beth), Audrey Ferris (Jean Gilmore), George Duryea (Freddie Gilmore), Mahlon Hamilton (Jim), John T. Murray (Cafe manager)

Honky Tonk tells the story of Sophie (Sophie Tucker) who works at a nightclub in order to pay for her daughter Beth (Lila Lee) to be educated overseas. Beth is oblivious to her mother’s vocation until, all grown up, she returns to America and falls in love with Freddie (George Duryea), who happens to be a patron at the club. Beth learns of Sophie’s scandalous employment, and vows to have nothing to do with her. Freddie convinces Beth that Sophie did it all for love, and all ends happily ever after, complete with a grandchild for the devoted Sophie.
 
The film was the screen debut of vaudeville star Sophie Tucker. Russian born Tucker grew up in Connecticut, and started out singing in restaurants and clubs, eventually touring in the south. Producers reportedly felt her “large size” would not be accepted by audiences, and so Tucker was required to perform in blackface. A chance performance without the blackface due to lost luggage wowed audiences, and from that point she was able to perform as herself. Tucker embraced her body size as part of her act and, combined with her sassy personality, became known as “The Last of the Red Hot Mamas.” She went on to become a huge star, performing around the world. A more detailed biography can be found here.
Overall the film did well at the box office, but it was not a smash. In New York, Honky Tonk opened during one of the worst heat waves in forty years. The theatres were not yet equipped with air conditioning, and audiences stayed way from the movies. In Hollywood, the MGM Hollywood Revue of 1929 provided stiff competition, and reduced the ticket sales.
 
Variety (June 12, 1929) claimed that the lackluster script was a purposeful choice in order to give Tucker a “light load” for her first feature. The critics agreed that, although the script and dialogue were mediocre, Sophie Tucker and her supporting cast gave excellent performances. 

The supporting cast were an impressive ensemble of well-established silent film stars. In the role of Sophie's daughter, Beth, Lila Lee was at the height of her fame in 1929. 
She had been a child star affectionately known as Cuddles, and due to her struggles with alcoholism her career declined in the 1930s. Despite her health troubles, Lee continued to act and appeared in B grade films and various television programs into the 1960s. She was the mother of James Kirkwood Jr., who wrote the book for A Chorus Line. 

The cafe manager was played by Australian born John T. Murray, who appeared in nearly 100 Hollywood films. It would be fascinating to find out more about how and why this Melbournian ended up in Hollywood, and remained there for the rest of his life. 

The highlight of Honky Tonk was the music, a vehicle for Tucker’s sassy, brassy vocals. Motion Picture News (June 8, 1929) reported that the songs “were greeted with cheers by the opening night audience.” The same reviewer gushed, “Sophie Tucker first, last and always… her songs and her inimitable manner of singing them.” Variety (June 12, 1929) wrote “Her singing voice aces and her speaking voice [is] far beyond expectation.” George Fenton, in his recently developed album review column in Photoplay (Dec 1929), described Tucker’s voice as “the voice with the smile of its own” and gave high praise to the “excellent” Victor recording.
 
The score featured some of Tucker’s most well-known hits, including "Some of These Days,” "I'm the Last of the Red-Hot Mammas," "I'm Doing What I'm Doing for Love," "He's a Good Man To Have Around," "I'm Feathering a Nest for a Little Bluebird," and "I Don't Want To Get Thin." The songs were composed by Milton Ager and Jack Yellen.
Milton Ager was a self-taught musician who started out in vaudeville and went on to become an incredibly influential and well-regarded composer. Some of his hits include “Happy Days are Here Again,” “Happy Feet,” “Vo-Do-De-O,” “Glad Rag Doll” and “Trust in Me.” He was inducted into the Songwriters Hall of Fame in 1979.
 
Polish born Jack Yellen started out as a reporter before becoming a songwriter on Broadway. Signed by Fox, Yellen went on to write over 200 hundred songs, many of which are still performed today. His hits include “Happy Days Are Here Again,” “Ain’t She Sweet,” and “My Yiddishe Momme.” Throughout the 1930s, Yellen also wrote screenplays. His credits include George White’s 1935 Scandals (1935), Ali Baba Goes to Town (1937), Little Miss Broadway (1938), and My Lucky Star (1938).  
 
Although the film is considered lost, the soundtrack has survived. Thankfully there are still plenty of other recordings of Sophie Tucker in action. The clip below, ​​recorded in 1928, showcases Tucker’s wonderful voice at the height of its strength.
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A lighthearted comedy featuring an excellent cast. 
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Screenland, Dec 1929

Date of Release: Aug 25, 1929
Studio: Fox
Director: Raymond Cannon
Screenplay: Robert S. Carr, Walter Catlett
Music : Sidney Mitchell, Con Conrad, Archie Gottler, Dave Stamper, Harlan Thompson
Choreographer: Fanchon and Marco
Leading Actors: Sue Carol (Mary), Nick Stuart (Dick), Dixie Lee (Billie), Jean Bary (Jackie), Richard Keene (José), David Rollins (Oscar), Jed Prouty (George), Walter Catlett (Elmer), Gordon De Main (Roy), Ilka Chase (Ethel), Dot Farley (Susan), Laura Hamilton (Maude)
 
Why Leave Home was a film adaptation of the hit Broadway play Cradle Snatchers. Written by Russel G. Medcraft and Norma Mitchell, the play opened at the Music Box Theatre on Sept 7, 1925 and ran for 485 performances. The play starred a young Humphrey Bogart and was described as “unquestionably the funniest play in town.”
 
The play was revived at the Liberty Theatre in 1932. Another musical adaptation Let’s Face It opened in 1941. The new adaptation starred Danny Kaye with a book by Herbert and Dorothy Fields, and music and lyrics by Cole Porter.
 
Fox had made a silent film version of the play titled The Cradle Snatchers in 1927. Actor Nick Stuart made his screen debut in the silent version, and Why Leave Home marked his first talkie.
 
Motion Picture News (Aug 31, 1929) reported that Why Leave Home would be released on the west coast under the title Imagine My Embarrassment. The title was changed due a suggestion by the President of Fox West Coast Theatres, though a reason was not given. Variety (Aug 21, 1929) ran a similar story and suggested the name change was considered for national release.
 
Why Leave Home opened to lukewarm reviews and solid houses in August 1929. The reviewers generally agreed the stage show was better, and dismissed the “flimsy” plot about six different couples trying to show up their significant others. The Educational Screen (October 1929), always reliable for a snarky review, described Why Leave Home as “So farcical as to be both harmless and inane.”
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Sue Carol, Photoplay, Nov 1929

Several reviewers made mention of Sue Carol and David Rollins. Sue Carol was an heiress, but not substantially well off. She reportedly told a security guard she had three fur coats, which didn’t mean much in Chicago, but translated to luxurious wealth in Hollywood. The studio used the story of an heiress abandoning her fortune to seek fame in Hollywood as a publicity stunt, and it worked.
 
Carol was also featured in the press for her real life relationship with Nick Stuart. Stories like the one below ran in Photoplay.
 
“Every Sunday morning, rain or shine and hot or cold, Nick Stuart drives over to Sue Carol’s tepee for breakfast. Sue shows her love for Nick by dishing up a big mess of hot cakes. And Nick shows his love for Sue by eating them. Greater love hath no handsome leading man with dimples!”

David Rollins was an actor whose film career was short-lived. He appeared in Fox Movietone Follies of 1929 (1929), Happy Days (1930), The Big Trail (1930) and The Phantom Express (1932). He was interviewed for the book Broken Silence: Conversations with 23 Silent Film Stars. 
 
The reviewer for the The Film Daily (Sept 22, 1929) wrote “The cast is uniformly good.” Many of the cast members were experienced Broadway and vaudeville performers, and most continued on to successful film careers.
 
Austro-Hungarian born Nick Stuart was an actor and singer who appeared in over fifty films. He later ran his own talent agency, directed a band, and ran a clothing store. Credits include Happy Days (1930), Rio Grande Romance (1936), Mr Muggs Steps Out (1940), and The Lost Planet (1953). He and Sue Carol married at the end of 1929, though the marriage only lasted five years.
 
Dixie Lee is now remembered as Bing Crosby's wife, however she was very much a celebrated star in her own right (even if she was adored for her good looks rather than any remarkable acting abilities). After starting out on Broadway, a young Lee was signed with Fox. Her film credits include Fox Movietone Follies of 1929 (1929), Happy Days (1930), Cheer Up and Smile (1930), Manhattan Love Song (1934) and Redheads on Parade (1935). Lee made well received recordings of "A Fine Romance" and "The Way You Look Tonight." Sadly, Lee suffered from alcoholism and died from cancer at just 41.
 
Jed Prouty started out in vaudeville and Broadway before being signed by Fox. He went onto appear in over one hundred films, usually playing a comic character. His credits include The Girl in the Show (1929), The Floradora Girl (1930), The Big Bluff (1933), Black Sheep (1935), Happy Go Lucky (1936), A Star is Born (1937), Pot O’ Gold (1941), and Mug Town (1942).
 
Walter Catlett started out as a stage actor and singer in vaudeville and on Broadway before transitioning to film. He appeared in over 150 films, often playing unscrupulous characters. Some of his credits include Married in Hollywood (1929), Why Leave Home (1929), Happy Days (1930), Her Golden Calf (1930), The Floradora Girl (1930), Big City Blues (1932), The Captain Hates the Sea (1934), Pinocchio (1940), and Davy Crockett and the River Pirates (1955).
 
Ilka Chase was a highly educated and driven woman with a fascinating life story. The New York Times wrote in her obituary, “As an actress, radio and television personality, playwright, novelist, and urban sophisticate, Ilka Chase greatly brightened her times.” The daughter of Edna Woolman Chase, the editor-in-chief of Vogue for nearly forty years, Chase was born in New York and went to school in France. She appeared on Broadway in twenty different productions, and in over forty films and television shows. She ran her own radio program, wrote plays, novels, and a cookbook, and also was active in wildlife preservation and various charities.
 
Dot Farley was a prominent early film actress, writer, and director. She appeared in over 300 films, though most were comedic shorts. The Women Film Pioneers Project suggests that Farley’s writing credentials were not taken seriously, or properly documented, owing to her fame in comedies.

​Although Why Leave Home performed well at the box office, it was quickly overshadowed by The Cock-Eyed World. 
 
The film is now believed lost. 
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RKO's first musical. Forget Frankie Vallie and the Four Seasons, this is Freddie and the Four Seasons. Freddie (Betty Compson) is a down-on-her-luck Hungarian violinist whose talent and beauty is admired by no less than the Prince of Hungary. Taken in by the Four Seasons after being found starving and at the prey of less scrupulous men, Freddie keeps house for the boys, and leads them to success. 
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Variety (July 17, 1929)

Date of Release: 21 August 1929
Studio: RKO
Director: Wesley Ruggles
Screenplay: Jane Murfin
Music: Sidney Clare and Oscar Levant
Choreographer: Pearl Eaton
Leading Actors: Betty Compson, John Harron, Ned Sparks, Jack Oakie, Guy Buccola, Joseph Cawthorn, Ivan Lebedeff, Eddie Kane, Doris Eaton and the Radio Pictures Beauty Chorus, Raymond Maurel and the Cimini Male Chorus, Gus Arnheim and His Cocoanut Grove Ambassadors
 
Street Girl was the first film of newly formed Radio Pictures, a subsidiary of the Radio Corporation of America (RCA). Street Girl is listed in the AFI Catalogue as “romance with songs” despite being continually referenced in the trade magazines as an “all-singing, all-dancing, all-talking musical.”
 
RKO’s coordinated advertising efforts are evident, with plenty of full-page ads and write ups in the trade magazines.
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Film Daily (Aug 1, 1929)

A regular light-hearted column in the Film Daily (July 30, 1929) reported that “The Noo Yawk deboo is at the Globe tonight. Looks like a verra auspicious premiere, too…” The Street Girl opening was indeed a large affair, with RCA and industry executives in attendance. Motion Picture News (Aug 10, 1929) even ran an article about Joseph I. Schnitzer, President of RKO, making a transatlantic telephone call to report on the opening with other RKO execs who were in Paris on business.
 
Street Girl opened to excellent houses, and it was one of the top grossing films to play at the Globe Theatre in 1929. The film played exceedingly well around the country, playing to sell out houses.
 
The critics also enjoyed Street Girl. Most found the story to be a little thin, but praised the film for its entertainment values, excellent performances, and strong direction by Wesley Ruggles. After starting out as an actor, Ruggles went on to become a prolific director, proving himself able in a variety of genres – notably musicals, romances, and westerns. He directed over 80 films over the course of his thirty year career including Honey (1930), Cimarron (1931), I’m No Angel (1933), Sing You Sinners (1938), and Somewhere I’ll Find You (1942).
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Picture Play, Nov 1929

Unusually the critics almost always gave name recognition to the female screenwriter, Jane Murfin, complimenting her dialogue writing. Murfin started out as an actor and, along with her writing partner and lifelong friend Jane Cowel, became a well-regarded playwright in New York. Early in their writing career, and to their later regret, Murfin and Cowl wrote under a male pseudonym, Allan Langon Martin.

In the early years of film, Murfin moved west and remained in Hollywood for over twenty years. According to the Women Film Pioneers Project, Murfin was incredibly business savvy and retained the rights to her stage plays, and later negotiated to retain the television rights too. Murfin was a founding member of the Screenwriters’ Guild, and wrote its original rules and guidelines. Some of her 60+ film credits include Street Girl (1929), Smilin’ Through (1932), Little Women (1933), Roberta (1935), The Women (1939), and Pride and Prejudice (1940). Fascinating biographies can be found
here and here.

The film opens with the Four Seasons (John Harron, Ned Sparks, Jack Oakie, and Guy Buccola) playing at a crowded café, where the owner laments “Come for the band. The food is terrible.” The scene is lively and fun, with great use of sound.

The band head home and find a distressed Freddie on their doorstep – “Only three million dames in New York and he picked the one without a home.” Mike (John Harron) invites her in, and seeing the state of disarray the boys live in, Freddie offers to take care of things – “I darn! I darn all of you!”

Betty Compson as Freddie is charming and sweet. She was a popular and talented actress who appeared in over two hundred films. By the age of 16 she was touring as a violin soloist on the vaudeville circuit. After being spotted by a producer, Compson went into film and became a versatile silent film actress. During this time, at the peak of her fame, Compson ran her own production company. She spent some time performing in London and returned to the USA in time for the talkie revolution. Compson was nominated for Best Actress in the first Academy Awards for her role in The Barker (1928). She continued to perform in well-received films throughout 1930s, but the studios considered her “old” by the age of 40, and her roles diminished.

Freddie knows she is attractive, and uses this to her advantage in negotiating a salary for the band. It is not Freddie’s charm or musical skills that elevate the band’s fortunes however, but the fact that “everyone want to see the girl the prince kissed.” Mike’s jealousy and desire to control Freddie is also a driving factor of the plot.

As the band’s fortunes rise, so does the quality of the food in the establishments in which they are playing. At Mr Keppel’s restaurant, Mr Keppel (Joseph Cawthorn) is bumbling and sweet. He is contrasted by the tall and grim-faced, ever displeased Mr Happy (Ned Sparks).

Finally, Freddie and Mike make amends and thanks to the Prince of Hungary, they have their own club – Joyzelle’s. The club opening is resplendent. The Four Seasons are dressed in tails and top hats and Freddie wears a stunning sparkly flapper dress. The night is complete with a chorus of dancing girls. The scene is wonderfully filmed, with some innovative, if a little clunky, shots of the girls running toward the camera one by one. The scene is elevated by the club’s geometric patterns which pop on the screen.

The dancing was choreographed by Pearl Eaton. She wa
s the third of seven siblings, most of whom had prominent careers in show business. Eaton started out as a dancer in the Ziegfeld Follies, where she also worked as a choreographer. After moving to Hollywood in 1928, Eaton became a choreographer for RKO. Her film credits include Street Girl (1929), Rio Rita (1929), Hit the Deck (1930), Love Comes Along (1930) and Dance, Girl, Dance (1933). Tragically, Eaton was later found murdered in her home, and the murder was never solved. 

​Street Girl
closes with Freddie and the Four Seasons playing joyfully on stage. A sweet ending for a sweet film.
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Ad featured in several editions of Motion Picture News

Throughout Street Girl, the crowd scenes and song and dance numbers are innovative and lively with excellent frame composition. By comparison, the smaller and dialogue-heavy scenes are stilted and lack the technical skill of the larger moments. Overall the film suffers from slow pacing, but it has moments of charm.

In an attempt to tap into foreign non-English speaking markets, RKO announced Street Girl would be the first movie to have “prologues,” explanatory shorts spoken by actors in the relevant language. It was planned these “prologues” would take place between each reel.

Although Street Girl has not been released on DVD, the film was screened on Turner Classic Movies and made available online for a brief period. In October 2015, TCM partnered with Women in Film in LA to launch Trailblazing WomenThe series was dedicated to promoting the contribution of women to film. There was talk of a permanent Trailblazing Women section on TCM’s website, but it is not yet available.

Street Girl was a huge success for RKO, and along with Rio Rita, heralded a bright future for movie musicals as fun entertainment. 
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Motion Picture News (Oct, 1929)

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A touching backstage drama with songs. 
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Hal Skelly and Nancy Carroll, Screenland, Nov 1929

Date of Release: Sept 7, 1929
Studio: Paramount
Director: John Cromwell
Screenplay: Benjamin Glazer, George Manker Walters, Julian Johnson
Music: Sam Coslow, Walter Donaldson, Annie Fortesque Harrison, Maude Nugent, Leo Robin, Richard A. Whiting
Choreographer: Earl Lindsay
Leading Actors: Hal Skelly ([Ralph] "Skid" Johnson), Nancy Carroll (Bonny [Lee] King), Dorothy Revier (Sylvia Marco),     Ralph Theadore (Harvey Howell), Charles Brown (Lefty), Al St. John (Bozo), May Boley (Gussie), Oscar Levant (Jerry), Gladys Du Bois (Miss Sherman), James Quinn (Jimmy), James Farley (Champ Melvin), George Irving (Minister), Thelma McNeal (Gilded girl, "Lady of India"), John Cromwell (Doorkeeper), Edward Sutherland (Theater attendant), Amazon Chorus Girls: Gordona Bennet, Miss La Reno, Cora Beach Shumway, Charlotte Ogden, Kay Deslys, Madga Blom          

​The stage play Burlesque, written by Arthur Hopkins and George Manker Watters, premiered on Broadway in September 1927. It ran for 372 performances and became the basis for three movie musicals — The Dance of Life (1929), Swing High, Swing Low (1937) and When My Baby Smiles at Me (1948). The play was revived on Broadway, starring Bert Lahr, in 1946. 


Paramount opted to change the title to The Dance of Life, as they were concerned that the fading popularity of burlesque would keep audiences away. 

Screenland (Feb 1930) reported that The Dance of Life was made “under trying conditions.” The new Paramount sound-proof studio had “burned” the day after it was completed, and as a result the cast and crew had to work through the night, often until dawn, to avoid the noise of car traffic ruining the shots. 
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Theatre advertisements (Oct 12, 1929)

The film promoted itself as a “Great Revue Romance.” As reported in Motion Picture News (Oct 12, 1929) several theatres used live performers dancing in the windows of the theatre to attract pundits. At the Florida Theatre in Jacksonville, the spectacle was complete with a Victrola attached to a loudspeaker that “could be heard for blocks.” The stunt proved so popular on its first day that police had to be called in to keep the crowd moving. On the second day, the enthusiastic crowds cracked the glass window!

The promotions paid off, and The Dance of Life opened to strong audiences and rave reviews. The Film Daily (Aug 18, 1929) wrote “A finely executed drama of the show world.” Picture Play (Nov 1929) claimed the film would “rank with the finest of the new season.” The Education Screen (Oct 1929) enthusiastically agreed, “Elaborate and super sophisticated backstage story… One of the best of its breed to date.”

The critics were right. Some troubling gender politics aside, the story is touching and tragic and a far cry from the fluff of earlier backstage musicals. The plot centers around an excellent clown, Skid Johnson (Hal Skelley) and a mediocre dancer Bonny King (Nancy Carroll), who finding themselves both out of work pair up as a duo. They land a job in a mediocre burlesque troupe and eventually fall in love. To avoid Bonny being fired from the show, the pair decide to get married. Bonny soon realizes Skid is an alcoholic, and determines to make a better life for him. Skid is picked up by Ziegfeld to join his Broadway show, and Skid abandons Bonny for the glitz and glamor of Broadway. Bonny is about to re-marry, this time a loving and devoted millionaire, and realizing Skid needs her, gives up a life of luxury and comfort to stay with him.

Nancy Carroll received universally good notices for her performance as Bonny. The Film Daily (Aug 1929) wrote Carroll “emerges with flying colors,” and The Educational Screen stated that her acting was the best feature of the film. Her singing and dancing skills come across as mediocre in the film, but her straight scenes are genuinely affecting. It is easy to see why audiences of the day loved her, and that Carroll reportedly received the most fan mail of any Paramount starlet. In 1929, Carroll also appeared in Sweetie and Close Harmony

The real star of the show is Hal Skelly, reprising the role he played on Broadway. It was considered his best role, and he shines as the tragic clown who cannot control his alcoholism. Really only at the beginning of a promising film career, which also included Behind the Make-Up (1930), and The Struggle (1931), Skelly was killed in an accident when his car was crossing a railroad track.

Although rarely mentioned by the critics, another standout performance was by Dorothy Revier, playing the wisecracking buxom Sylvia Marco. Revier was a classically trained dancer I imagine being in an older woman in Hollywood is the only reason her career didn’t last long beyond the silent era. Her comic timing, witty line delivery, and screen presence are excellent. 

Although not the driving force of the story, The Dance of Life has several song and dance numbers. Unlike other hit songs from this period which tended to be upbeat jazz numbers, “True Blue Lou” was a plaintive ballad. Delivered with heart breaking sincerity by Skelly in full clown make-up, the number foreshadows Bonny’s devotion to Skid, and is a highlight of the film.
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Lavish costumes as featured in Picture Play ​(Dec, 1929) 
When Skid moves to Broadway we are treated to an eight minute song and dance, “The Ladies of the Dance" and "The Flippity Flop" from the Ziegfeld Follies. The grandiose sets and lavish costumes are spectacular, and it is a real shame the color prints have been lost. In other revue scenes, the awful costumes and average dancing highlight the mediocrity of the small-town burlesque shows. 
Even without the production numbers, The Dance of Life still holds up as a strong drama. Director John Cromwell went on to become a prominent director with a career spanning over forty years. In that time he directed nearly fifty films including Close Harmony (1929), Dream Too Much (1935), The Prisoner of Zenda (1937), Anna and the King of Diam (1946) and The Goddess (1958). During the McCarthy era, Cromwell returned to New York, and won a Tony Award for his performance in Point of No Return (1952). He is the father of actor James Cromwell.

The Dance of Life is available through the Internet Archive and on YouTube​​​
Published on
The second movie musical to feature an all African American cast. 
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Motion Picture News (Aug 31, 1929)

Date of Release: Aug 20, 1929
Studio: MGM
Director: King Vidor 
Screenplay: Wanda Tuchock, King Vidor, Richard Schayer, Ransom Rideout, Marian Ainslee
Music: Irving Berlin, MD: Eva Jessye 
​Leading Actors: Daniel L. Haynes (Zeke), Nina Mae McKinney (Chick), William E. Fountaine (Hot Shot), Harry Gray (Parson), Fannie Belle De Night (Mammy), Everett McGarrity (Spunk), Victoria Spivey (Missy Rose), Milton Dickerson (Johnson kid), Robert Couch (Johnson kid), Walter Tait (Johnson kid), Dixie Jubilee Singers
Up until 1929 African American actors had only appeared in Hollywood films in minor roles playing slaves, servants, and fools. As described in Frank Manchel’s Every Step A Struggle: Interviews with Seven Who Shaped the African-American Image in Movies, the studios were reluctant to create “black films” not only because of racism within the Hollywood system, but for fear of losing profits. Theatre managers across the country raised concerns that screening such films would cause black and white people to intermingle, while others insisted they would not screen “all-black” films at all. 

Following on the heels of Hearts in Dixie, Hallelujah was the second feature film with a cast comprised entirely of African American actors. Many commentators held high expectations for the film, hoping it would break stereotypical and conventional portrayals of African American people as established in silent film. 

Hallelujah tells the story of a young farm boy, Zeke (Daniel L. Haynes) who is lured into a rigged game of chance by Chick (Nina Mae McKinney), a beautiful dancer. In a scuffle with the dealer, Hot Shot (William E. Fountaine), Zeke accidentally kills his own brother. Filled with remorse, Zeke becomes a preacher. So powerful is his message, even Chick is converted. Despite being engaged to the sweet Missy Rose (Victoria Spivey) Zeke cannot ignore his lustful feelings for Chick, and runs away with her. Hot Shot returns and Chick abandons Zeke for her former lover. Zeke kills Hot Shot and is sent to prison. Eventually he is pardoned and reunited with his family, a man at peace.

Hallelujah was director King Vidor’s personal project, and his first talkie. He had started out as a script writer and went on to become one of the most influential and prominent directors of his time. As quoted in Judith Weisenfeld’s book Hollywood Be Thy Name Vidor stated “For several years I had nurtured a secret hope. I wanted to make a film about Negores, using only Negores in the cast.” He had hoped to capture the religious fervor he had observed growing up in Texas. Vidor felt so strongly about the project, he went without his salary, agreeing to a share of the profits if it went well, to ensure MGM would agree to produce the film.​

Hallelujah underwent an unusually long production period. While other films were usually completed within a matter of months, Hallelujah took over a year. The location shoots took place in Arkansas and Tennessee. Largely due to technological constraints, and to keep production costs down, the outdoor scenes were filmed silently and the sound was painstakingly synchronized later on.
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Cast and crew with King Vidor in the front. (Close Up Magazine, Nov 1929)

Stepin Fetchit’s biography by Mel Watkins and the aforementioned Every Step A Struggle provide a fascinating and disheartening account of life on the Hallelujah set. On location, the cast were often subjected to verbal and physical abuse from white spectators, and even occasionally from the crew. They were required to sleep in a separate hotel from the production team, and were forced to use the freight elevator at the “main” hotel. White drivers drove recklessly when commissioned to drive the cast, or refused to drive them at all. The lead actors were paid less than fifty dollars a week – less than half a “small-sized star” could expect at that time, and up to four times less what a white leading actor would be paid. Finally, the cast were fed “smaller, less appetizing lunches than the white crew.”  The actors reportedly endured the conditions in the hope the film would “open the way for the Negro in the talking screen.” In a small but important victory, the cast changed many of the lines, taking out derogatory references to “niggers” and “coons.” 

Most films in 1929 had grand openings in New York at a Broadway theatre. Hallelujah was the first film to open simultaneously on Broadway and in Harlem, at the Embassy Theatre and Lafayette Theatre respectively. Although the separate premiers were criticized for reinforcing segregation, the unprecedented Harlem opening drew large crowds. The guest list included members of the cast and Oscar De Priest, the first African American elected to Congress in the twentieth century.  

Some white critics were divided as to whether or not Hallelujah was good enough to hold “universal appeal,” simply because of the all-black cast. Despite the Motion Picture News prediction that Hallelujah would play well “even in the south,” many southern theatres refused to screen it all, and the film barely played in regional centers across America. According to the Dictionary of Films, Hallelujah played well in Europe – a fact reinforced by the success of African American performers such as Nina Mae McKinney in Europe during this period. 

Where Hallelujah did play, it played to packed houses and was deemed a surprise smash. Motion Picture News (Nov 9, 1929) stated that the film’s success had surprised the industry, and attributed its success not to the wonderful performances or the powerful impact of the film, but to the advertising campaign led by a (white) publicist who later became the head of public relations at MGM, Frank Whitbeck. Every ad for Hallelujah referred to its “colored” cast and very rarely showed pictures of the actors.
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Photoplay, Dec 1929

Despite the racist undercurrent in trade magazine and newspaper reviews, the critical response to Hallelujah was overwhelmingly positive. The white critics focused on the film’s technical brilliance, visual scope, and King Vidor’s direction. Film Daily stated the film was “an artistic and explorable production.” Educational Screen, rarely given to bestowing a good review, wrote “A picture much out of the ordinary and with real appeal to the intelligence. Several white reviewers claimed that Hallelujah succeeded in spite of its all-black cast rather than because of it.

The National Board of Review Magazine in both in the September/October and November editions gave Hallelujah unqualified praise – “In many ways it is an astonishing picture, it is also prophetic for its hints of a nobler form of motion picture for the future, a maturer concept of what motion accompanied by sound can bring to the screen.” The film was included in a list of “Exceptional Photoplays” which was distributed to theatre managers and critics across the country. 

Variety (August 28, 1929) deemed Hallelujah to be so unique, the magazine printed three reviews – two by their regular male correspondents (one each reporting from the New York and Harlem premiers), and a third by “a girl staff writer.” The Broadway reviewer felt that white people would love it, and that “negroes” would either love it or hate it. 

The Harlem reviewer noted that the African American portion of the audience laughed riotously, even through the serious scenes. He suggested it was “just a sincere form of hysterical appreciation.” 

Many African American critics voiced frustration at the southern-based story and what was essentially a reiteration of traditional representations of rural African American life. Most were impressed by the powerful performances delivered by the cast and hoped it was a sign of better things to come.

The white critics meanwhile mostly failed to mention the actors and their performances. When they were mentioned, the actors were never named, or the credit was given to Vidor for his ability to direct these “simple amateurs.” 

Despite repeated assertions that the actors were inexperienced, many members of the cast were already seasoned performers by the time King Vidor “discovered” them. Vidor visited New York in 1928 to recruit his actors, and in the process cast Daniel L. Haynes (Zeke), Nina Mae McKinney (Chick), and Victoria Spivey (Missy Rose).  
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Nina Mae McKinney

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Daniel L. Haynes

Images from Close Up Magazine (Nov 1929) 
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Victoria Spivey

In 1928, Haynes was understudying the role of Jules Bledsoe in Show Boat. In the year prior he had appeared in three stage shows, The Bottom of the Cup, Earth, and Rang Tang. Although he appeared in several more films after Hallelujah, including So the Red Rose (1935) and Escape from Devil’s Island (1935), the studios never cast him in a lead, and he did not achieve great stardom like Stepin Fetchit. 

After Hallelujah Haynes returned to New York and appeared in The Green Pastures (1930 and 1935) and Androcles and the Lion (1938). According to Every Step a Struggle Haynes left show business shortly after Androcles. Clarence Muse (Stepin Fetchit) stated, “It took a lot of guts to stay in this damned business… And Haynes was one who says I had enough and he quit.” Given his performance in Hallelujah, with his rich baritone voice and ability to move between comic and tragic, it is a real shame that Haynes was not afforded more opportunity simply because of the color of his skin. 

Nina Mae McKinney was just sixteen when she appeared in Hallelujah, and she is considered the first African American woman to star in a feature film (and the first to play the “tragic mulatto” character). Born in South Carolina, McKinney moved to New York when she was twelve. By fifteen she was performing in Lew Leslie’s Blackbirds on Broadway. Like Haynes, McKinney had limited film success, and, despite her best efforts to stay in the tabloids, also had limited success as a starlet.

In a rare feature in Photoplay (July 1929) on an African American actress, Nina Mae McKenney is described entirely by her physicality with stereotypes like “She rolled them eyes and she rolled them hips,” and “the little colored spasm.” McKenney is likened to a cat and the author attempts to play down her blackness with descriptions like “Nina isn’t black, she’s coppery with a crimson, pagan mouth…” and “She may be black but she’s got a blonde soul…”  

Following on from Hallelujah McKinney continued to work on the stage in New York and in Europe where she became known as “The Black Garbo”. Nina Mae McKinney: The Black Garbo, a biography on McKinney, was published in 2011.

Texas born Victoria Spivey was a highly talented self-taught musician whose career spanned over forty years. After providing the music for her older sisters’ vaudeville acts, Spivey became a celebrated performer and recording artist, traveling all over the USA as a singer. She eventually started her own record label, Spivey Records, through which Bob Dylan made his first recording. 

Also downplayed or completely ignored by the white reviewers were the female creatives on Hallelujah – Wanda Tuchock and Eva Jessye.  

Although Wanda Tuchock is often criticized for the racist language she employed in the initial Hallelujah script, she is unique for being a credited, paid, female writer in Hollywood in 1929. She worked in Hollywood for almost thirty years and her credits include Show People (1928), Billy the Kid (1930), Little Orphan Annie (1932), Finishing School (1934), and This is the Life (1944). Tuchock was a charter member of the Screen Writers Guild and a lifetime member of the board of trustees of the Motion Picture and Television Fund. 
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Eva Jessye, Ebony Magazine (May 1974)

Musical director Eva Jessye was a prominent and incredibly active choral director, composer, actor, and teacher whose career spanned over seven decades. Immensely gifted in harmony, she formed the Dixie Jubilee Singers in 1926 and the group went on to perform and tour with Porgy and Bess (1935), for which Jessye also served as choral director and conductor. The group appeared in Hallelujah and also provided the wonderful vocals for the soundtrack. 

Not only was Jessye the film’s musical director, she compiled and arranged the bulk of its score – an incredible forty songs. Throughout eight trade magazines, every reviewer praised the music. Only one, Variety, directly named Jessye. The rest praised Irving Berlin, despite the fact he only contributed two songs in he film. King Vidor reportedly did not wanted to include Berlin’s songs, as he felt they were not authentic to the style of the film. 

Hallelujah was released on DVD by Warner Bros in 2006 and it is also available to watch on YouTube

It is refreshing and frustrating to watch Hallelujah today. While constrained by the conventional racial representations of its time, the beautiful cinematography, outstanding music, and truly incredible performances make the film one of the best movie musicals of 1929. Even factoring in the racism, it is difficult to understand how the white critics could so blatantly ignore the cast.

As I found in researching Hearts in Dixie, the prevalent racism in the mainstream periodicals is overwhelming. After a day spent reading through the magazines, I was ready to rip my hair out and abandon humanity altogether. The dominant sentiments in the reviews were:
  1. Hallelujah is a great film, one of the best in fact. Pity the cast is all black. 
  2. That white director? WOW! What he can do with the simple negro actor!
  3. Did we mention that this film is excellent? It won’t have “universal” appeal though, because (A).

​It’s too easy to say, “The racism is of its time.” It’s not. People knew then, as they do now, that racism is unacceptable. In my research, I realized again and again how dominant the white narrative is in resources readily available online — the (white) trade journals from this period have been digitized and made freely available but the black journals have not. The black journals are available through various libraries, but are only accessible from within the library. Making this primary sources available so they are part of the narrative, not separate to it or an after thought is crucial. 

According to Mel Waktins, the Great Depression effectively ended any hope of furthering African American centered films, at least in Hollywood, in the early 1930s. Over the years, more musicals featuring African American casts, and casts with people of color, were made, but never in the same volume as the more commercially profitable and “safe” white musicals. Some of the films include Vogues of 1938 (1938), Stormy Weather (1943), Cabin in the Sky (1943), Carmen Jones (1954), Porgy and Bess (1959), Sparkle (1976), The Wiz (1978), Fame (1980), Purple Rain (1984), Krush Grove (1985), School Daze (1988), The Five Heartbeats (1991), Sarafina! (1992), Sister Act (1992), Sister Act II: Back in the Habit (1993), The Fighting Temptations (2003), Dreamgirls (2006), Idlewild (2006), and Sparkle (2012) 

Almost ninety years later the industry still has a long way to go in representing people of color on the big screen, and including them in the creative process. A 2015 study conducted by the University of Southern California found that in the top 100 grossing films made between 2007 and 2014, 73.1% of the characters were White, while only 12% were Black. In the same period, there were only 45 Black directors, all – bar one – male.  

In his article for Close Up magazine on the representation of African Americans in film in 1929, Robert Herring wrote:
...the obstacles can’t be permanent and insuperable… we don’t get it by blacking our faces and wearing white gloves, and I don’t think we get it from real Negroes having to live down to the pleasant banjo-strumming, cotton-field singing idea we have of them… We want the real thing, always, and the cinema demands the real thing, and heaven knows there is enough reality waiting there…”
Hallelujah deserves to be better remembered and celebrated. It is a real shame that racism is the cause of shunning and ignoring the talent it showcased, and the powerful story at its heart. 
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Can't sing? Can't dance? That's entertainment! 
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Screenland, Sept 1929

Release Date: June 30, 1929
Studio: First National
Director: Mervyn LeRoy
Writers: Monte Katterjohn, Humphrey Pearson, Paul Perez
Choreography: Larry Caballos
Costumes: Max Rée
Music: Al Bryan, Harry Akst, Grant Clarke, George W. Meyer
Cast: Alice White (Delight Foster), Charles Delaney (Billy Buvanny), Fred Kohler (Percé Gessant), Tom Dugan (Scotty), Bodil Rosing (Sarah Durgen), Sally Eilers (Navarre King), Marion Byron (Florine Chandler), Jocelyn Lee (Blossom Royale), Louis Natheaux (Gus Brand), Maurice Black (Nick)    


Another backstage musical and vehicle for Alice White, Broadway Babies was loosely based on the short story “Broadway Musketeers” by Jay Gelzer.

Similarly to Show Girl, the critics were not enamored with Broadway Babies. The Film Daily (June 25, 1929) commented that the film was “A rather obvious story of life as seen from the chorus line.” Educational Screen (September 1929) stated it was “Lively but cheap. Another contribution to bad taste.”  Meanwhile Variety (June 26, 1929) claimed the film “does not even contain a suggestive gesture,” and that the camera frequently cut off the limbs of the dancers. 

The reviewers all generally agreed that despite its flaws, the film was fun entertainment. The audiences felt the same way and, despite a lukewarm opening, Broadway Babies played to good houses — particularly in regional areas.

The entertainment factor fulfilled director Mervyn LeRoy’s fervent goal that movies be just that: entertaining. LeRoy started out in vaudeville before moving to film where he worked in a variety of departments until he became a writer and actor. Under the guidance of Cecile B. DeMille, LeRoy became a director and went on to direct a variety of well-received films including Show Girl in Hollywood (1930), Little Caeser (1931), Gold Diggers of 1933 (1933), Madame Curie (1943), Rose Marie (1954) and Gypsy (1962).


The average script can be attributed to Monte Katterjohn, who predominantly only wrote during the silent era. 

Humphrey Pearson contributed dialogue to the film. He was a prolific writer whose work appeared on both stage and film. In under seven years he wrote over twenty scripts including Hot Stuff (1929), They Never Grow Up (1930), and Face in the Sky (1933). The 1929 musical On With the Show was based on his play Shoestring. Still only on the cusp of a promising career, Pearson was tragically shot dead in his home in what was deemed an accident. 

Modern day viewers are far more generous with their criticism of Broadway Babies. Film historian Edwin M. Bradley describes it as “very watchable.” The reviews on IMDb call the film a “terrific little musical,” “a treat” and “highly, highly recommended.” Jeff Cohen at Vitaphone Varities writes “Best of all, by today’s standards, Broadway Babies doesn’t dull the senses – it excites them.”
Though his name is not well known today, Larry Ceballos was an innovative choreographer of stage and screen who worked in Hollywood from 1927 until 1951. His credits include ten Broadway shows and over sixty films including On With the Show! (1929), Honky Tonk (1929), No, No, Nanette (1930), Redheads on Parade (1935), Follies Girl (1943) and an episode of The Colgate Comedy Hour (1951) which was a tribute to vaudeville.
Ceballos was the head of dance at Warner Bros and First National from its early talkie days.   


Many sources cite Busby Berkley and Fred Astaire for changing the way dance was filmed. In the few years before either arrived on the scene, Ceballos was creating dance sequences that were innovative and often well received by the critics and loved by audiences. In 1930 a feature article (as referenced on Vitaphone Varieties) describes how Ceballos understood that in order for the camera to effectively capture the chorus line on camera, it was better to stage the dancers vertically instead of horizontally. 

Ceballos advocated for a variety of camera angles in filming his sequences, such as from the perspective of the orchestra pit, the top of the curtain, and from the follow spot. Although a live theatre audience would not be able to see from all those angles, Ceballos understood that film requires “greater realism than the stage.” In increasing the shots available to the audience, Ceballos aimed to create a more authentic viewing experience for the audience. It would be fascinating to see what Ceballos would come up with given today’s technology! 

​As she did for Show Girl, Alice White received mixed reviews. The critics found her to be a fine enough actress, but could not understand how an actress with no singing or dancing ability kept getting cast in musical comedies. After watching the clips included in this post, I'm unfortunately inclined to agree. 
Broadway Babies contained three songs, “Broadway Baby Dolls” and “Jig, Jig, Jigaloo,” and “Wishing and Waiting for Love.” The score was composed by Tin Pan Alley composers Al Bryan, Harry Akst, Grant Clarke, and George W. Meyer. 

Al Bryan, also known as Alfred Bryan, was a composer for stage and screen. He frequently collaborated with Fred Fisher, and some of his well-known songs include “Come Josephine in my Flying Machine,” the popular antiwar song “I Didn’t Raise My Boy to be a Soldier,” and “Oui, Oui, Marie.” He was inducted into the Songwriters Hall of Fame in 1970. 

Harry Akst was a talented pianist and a prolific composer. Collaborating with Sam Lewis, Irving Berlin, and Benny Davis, Akst wrote hundreds of songs. Some of his well-known compositions include “Am I Blue,” “Baby Face,” “Dinah,” and “In the Land of Let’s Pretend.” Akst is credited with discovering Judy Garland whilst he was on one of many tours. He was inducted into the Songwriters Hall of Fame in 1983. 

Grant Clarke was a charter member of ASCAP and wrote for stage and screen. He contributed lyrics to The Jazz Singer and, in collaboration with a host of other composers composed “My Sahara Rose,” “Ragtime Cowboy Joe,” and “Second Hand Rose.”
George W. Meyer was a charter member of ASCAP, and for a considerable time also served as its director. His hit songs include “For My and My Gal,” “Now I Lay Me Down to Sleep” and “Under my Umbrella.” 

Unfortunately I had trouble tracking down a copy of Broadway Babies. It has been released on Blu-Ray, but not on DVD. According to Project Gutenburg, it has been aired on television and cable. The film can also be viewed at the UCLA Film and Television Archive.
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Paramount's first stage to screen adaptation, and the film debut of the Marx Brothers. 
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The Gamby-Hall Girls, Motion Picture News (June 28, 1929)

Date of Release: Aug 3, 1929 
Studio: Paramount 
Director: Joseph Santley 
Screenplay: Morrie Ryskind 
Music: Irving Berlin, Frank Tours (music director) 
Choreography: Chester Hale, Maria Gambarelli
Leading Actors: Groucho Marx (Hammer), Harpo Marx (Harpo), Chico Marx (Chico), Zeppo Marx (Jamison), Mary Eaton (Polly), Oscar Shaw (Bob), Kay Francis (Penelope), Margaret Dumont (Mrs. Potter), Cyril Ring (Yates), Basil Ruysdael (Hennessy), Sylvan Lee (Bell captain), Alan K. Foster Girls (Dancers), Gamby-Hall Girls (Dancing bellhops)

By 1929, thanks to Minnie Marx’s management of her sons, the Marx Brothers were already household names on the vaudeville circuit and on Broadway. The Cocoanuts was a successful stage musical with a book by George S. Kaufman and Morrie Ryskind, and music by Irving Berlin. The musical opened in December 1925 and ran for just under a year. It was revived on Broadway in 1927, and toured nationally for two years. It is still performed today.

The Cocoanuts was the Marx Brothers’ first film with Paramount, but actually the second film they had made. The first, Humor Risk, was filmed in 1921 and never released. 

​The film version of The Cocoanuts was Paramount’s first stage to screen adaptation, and filmed at Paramount’s Long Island studio in under three months. Critics overall loved the result, praising the comedy of the Marx Brothers and the successful transition of their material from stage to screen. 
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Detailed window display, Motion Picture News (Dec 7, 1929)

Paramount ensured The Cocoanuts was well advertised. Promotions included newspaper ads, special window displays, and tie-ins with locals businesses such as “Cocoanut Sundaes” at soda bars. Theaters were also encouraged to develop their own advertisements. The Paramount Theatre in Omaha employed trucks with huge banners to drive through town. Another theatre placed a radio in front of the theatre “which sang all the songs… and also showed how the audience laughed and clapped over the Marx Brothers.” At the New Jersey State Fair, the Lincoln Theatre distributed an impressive 20,000 heralds, and also had two pajama-clad men carrying promotional umbrellas strolling through the crowds. 

​Although promotions describe the film as a “musical comedy,” and ads heralded The Cocoanuts as the first musical comedy straight from Broadway to film, the AFI catalogue lists The Cocoanuts as a “comedy,” and not as a musical. The Cocoanuts is one of the stronger musicals of 1929 and, like Hearts in Dixie, I’m glad I didn’t omit it from my list. As Hugh Castle wrote in the film journal Close Up (Vol. 4, No. 4, Oct 1929) “Cocoanuts is the best effort to date to make a screen musical comedy."
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Motion Picture News (July 20, 1929)

The film holds up remarkably well compared to other films from this period, but getting through it is an effort. 

Despite a score composed by Irving Berlin, the songs are mediocre. According to a 
Marx Brothers website, Groucho “teased Irving Berlin about not having been able to give them even one hit song for the show.” The main love song, “When My Dreams Come True” starts out as a pleasant duet, but is repeated ad nauseum. Mary Eaton’s eyebrow athletics during the first rendition are hysterical, and it is difficult to determine if the eyebrow movements are intentional or an unfortunate habit. 

Apart from providing light entertainment, the songs do little to advance the plot or develop the characters. “The Monkey Doodle-Doo” is a fun light-hearted song and dance number. “I Want My Shirt” set to the melody of “Habanera” from Carmen is a fun moment late in the film that is better captured than the rest of the singing. 

Each dance number, choreographed by Chester Hale and Maria Gambarelli and featuring the talented (all-white) Gamby-Hall Girls is highly polished. Chester Hale was an incredibly prolific choreographer who completed his training with the Ballet Russe with the likes of Anna Pavlova and Vaslav Nijinsky. He worked predominantly in New York creating large spectacles including the Ice Capades. Hale only had a short stint in Hollywood, as he found the studio system stifling. 

Maria Gambarelli was a prima ballerina for the Metropolitan Opera who also appeared in three Hollywood films, Hooray for Love (1935), Here’s to Romance (1935), and Doctor Antonio (1939). Gambarelli created Gamby’s Girls, a “precision ballet” group that were the pre-cursor to the Rockettes. 

The Gamby-Hall Girls seems to have been created specifically for The Cocoanuts, as there is no other reference to this group in other films or on Broadway. It is likely the dancers were a mix of girls from the Chester Hale Dancers and Gamby’s Girls. 

Unfortunately, the filming falls short with strange camera angles that often cut off the dancers’ heads and feet. An exception to the poor filming is “Ballet Music,” which begins with an aerial shot of the dancers forming a human kaleidoscope — a year before Busby Berkeley’s film debut. The shot is well executed, and according to New York Times reviewer Mordaunt Hall, “This sequence proved so engaging that it elicited plaudits from many in the jammed theatre.”

The costumes are truly gorgeous. Each number features more elaborate costumes than the last, opening with bathers at the beach, moving on to cute bellboy outfits, and culminating in stunning 18th century Spanish dresses. The designer is unfortunately uncredited, but it is feasible Charles Le Maire, who worked on the original Broadway production, also did the film. He worked on nearly 300 films as wardrobe director and designer, was nominated thirteen times for an Oscar for Best Costume Design, and won for All About Eve (1950), The Robe (1953), and Love is a Many Splendored Thing (1955). 
This was the only online clip I could find of the dancing. Ignore the music, revel in the routine! 
The best aspect of The Cocoanuts is, of course, the comedy. Groucho’s fast-paced, wise cracking, witticisms come across beautifully, and his performance is a highlight of the film. 

Harpo is another highlight. His clowning is superb, and despite fears at the time that his comedy would not translate from stage to screen, plays well on camera. In addition to the clowning, we are treated to Harpo’s clarinet and harp playing. An instrumental reprise of “When My Dreams Come True” played on the harp, begins in earnest and rapidly descends into a manic and rapid variation of the melody. The scene doesn’t contribute to plot or character development and exists purely to show off Harpo’s virtuosity, but how lucky we are to have it on film! 

We are also treated to Chico’s piano playing with “Gypsy Love Song.” Like Harpo’s number, Chico’s solo has no point in the plot, but he delivers a wonderful performance.  

Despite the fast pacing of the dialogue, The Cocoanuts suffers from a poorly paced script. There is little to no character development, and we have no reason to invest emotionally in any of the characters. Interestingly, the script makes use of the device of  romantic couple/comedic couple duos. 

I had never seen a Marx Brothers comedy until now. It was fun to finally be able to see for myself why they have such a huge legacy and influence. With its gorgeous costumes, wonderful dance routines, and wise-cracking humor, The Cocoanuts sets a solid standard for the musical comedies to come.
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Close Up Magazine, August 1929

Date of Release: March 10, 1929 
Studio: Fox
Director: Paul Sloane 
Screenplay: Walter Weems 
Music: Henry Thacker Burleigh, Stephen Foster, Howard Jackson, Walter Weems
Choreographer: Fanchon and Marco 
Leading Actors: 
Clarence Muse (Nappus), Eugene Jackson (Chiquapin), Stepin Fetchit (Gummy), Bernice Pilot (Chloe), Clifford Ingram (Rammey), Mildred Washington (Trailia), Zack Williams (Deacon), Gertrude Howard (Emmy), Dorothy Morrison (Melia), Vivian Smith (Violet),  Robert Brooks (True Love), A. C. H. Billbrew (Voodoo woman), Richard Carlyle (White doctor), Bilbrew Chorus


By the beginning of 1929, all the major studios had announced projects featuring all-black casts. Walter White, secretary of the NAACP, wrote in 1929 that this was a natural continuation of the strong representation of “negro artists in the theatre” and in literature. White believed films would start in stereotypes and move to something rich, more nuanced, and created by and with African American artists.

According to Separate Cinema, the film was “originally conceived as a two-reel musical showcase of spirituals and minstrel comedy…” but the rough cuts “so impressed the producers… that the writers expanded it into a feature length film.”

The AFI categorizes films based on a number of criteria, including references in trade magazines. Give the description of Hearts in Dixie in Film Daily (March 3, 1929) as “a musical comedy put over very effectively,” and various ads describing it as "all singing and all dancing" it is surprising the film is not listed as a musical in the AFI Catalog (it is listed as a “drama/comedy” and “African American with songs"). I’m glad I didn’t skip this film, as not only is it historically significant as the first musical to feature a cast of all African-Americans, it is also the first feature film and talkie to do so. 

Overall the (white) critics loved Hearts in Dixie. Film Daily declared in June 1929, the film was “another forward step in realism.” Mordaunt Hall wrote the New York Times “this Movietone production is something that is a testimonial for the talking film, much more so than any of the other audible pieces that have come to the screen.” Unfortunately, the racism in the reviews and in the coverage of the film is undeniable. In adverts and press about the film, the actors are always referred to by the color of their skin, and rarely appear in photographs.

A counter to the racism found in the trade magazines is Close Up magazine, a short-lived but excellent periodical “devoted to films as art.” In August 1929, the magazine ran an issue on “negro art in film” championing for a more authentic “negro cinema,” and content written, produced, directed, and starring African American performers. 

In her article “The Negro Actor and the American Movies” Geraldyn Dismond described Hearts in Dixie as “pretentious” due its romanticized view of plantation life. Despite this, Dismond praised the film for showing African Americans “not as fools and servants, but as human beings with the same emotions, desires and weaknesses as other people’s…” Dismond firmly believed that “negro films” would challenge racism. 

Hearts in Dixie is not commercially available, however it is available to view for “research purposes” at MoMA in New York. I emailed the Research Center and was able to schedule a viewing for a few weeks later. When you watch archived films at the UCLA Film and Television Archive in Los Angeles, or the New York Performing Arts Library, you sit in a tiny cubicle with a television screen and crummy headphones. It was a thrill to walk in to the MoMA Film Study Center to find I had a whole cinema to myself! Next time I have film to watch at MoMA, I’ll be inviting some friends! ​​
A segment on last week’s The Daily Show joked that for white audiences (the Academy) to be okay with films featuring African Americans, the film needs to include slaves, spirituals, and plantations. Hearts in Dixie certainly contains all three, but the message of the film is more than the sum of its parts. As The Encyclopedia of African American Actresses in Film and Television states, the film’s central theme “the empowerment of black youth…[remains] relevant today.”

Prior to the film, Richard Carlyle, the sole white cast member, delivers a prologue to camera. The prologue is still sadly relevant today, especially given the announcement of the 2016 Oscar nominations, the resulting #OscarsSoWhite backlash, and the Academy’s response that they really are working hard to ensure their members include more minorities. 


Carlyle reminds the audience that “We are all brothers and sisters in our emotions,” and to allow the cinema to transport us away from our own troubles for a while by watching the trials and tribulations of others. Those others (literally “Other” in the context of the dominance of white audiences) may be “black, yellow, or white,” but as members of the human race, no matter the color of our skin, we all “laugh when we’re happy, and cry when we’re sad”.
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Film Daily advert (March 24, 1929)

The film proper opens with a plaintive gospel rendition of the title song over the credits. The haunting music, performed by the Bilbrew Chorus, is beautifully recorded, and the music remains a highlight throughout the film.

The credits give way to a wide shot of a cotton plantation in the south, with the black workers singing an uptempo spiritual about the hardships of picking cotton. The camera cuts between wide shots of the plantation and close-ups of various workers as they finish work for the day. The men and women are looking forward to relaxing and consuming their “fried chicken.” 
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Still from Close Up Magazine (August 1929)

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Photoplay, May 1929

We are soon introduced to Gummy (Stepin Fetchit), a lazy fool who sits around all day and lets everybody else, including his gracious wife Chloe (Bernice Pilot), do all the work. His idea of babysitting is tying a piece of string to his foot and attaching the baby to the other end. The baby sits in the dust, while Gummy sits asleep on his broken chair. 

In stark contrast to Gummy is his kindly father-in-law, Nappus, “the sweetest in Pappy in the world.” Played by the incredible Clarence Muse, Nappus worries for his daughter, helps around the house, and sings the children to sleep.

While Nappus and Chloe tend to the children, Chinquapin (Eugene Jackson) and his baby sister, Gummy suddenly finds the energy to attend a party down the road. Choreographed by Fanchon and Marco, a prominent LA-based brother and sister team who also worked on Fox Movietone Follies of 1929, the dancing is joyful and wonderfully staged. Gummy’s lightning speed tap work is a real highlight, and one of the best routines I’ve seen to date. The “Meow Chorus” featuring men singing like cats in four-part harmony is brilliantly executed. 

The sweet natured and hard working Chloe shares with Nappus that she has been feeling illl, and tells him about her foreboding dreams of black cats and bad omens. Pappy encourages Chloe to see the doctor, to which she responds, “The doctor’s only good for white folks.” 

Chloe and the baby fall ill with “swamp fever,” and the Voodoo Woman is called. Played with conviction by A.C. Bilbrew, the Voodoo Woman enters the house imploring Nappus not to call the white doctor — “Voodoo Woman heal ‘em. White doctor no good.” She stands over the mother and child, singing and praising God. Four women sit behind her, singing and occassionally declaring “amen” and “hallelujah.”

Despairing for his daughter’s life, Nappus runs to the white doctor. When they arrive back home, the doctor checks Chloe and the baby only to discover “they’ve been dead for some time.” Tears running down his cheeks, Nappus cries, “We didn’t know, we just didn’t know.” The scene is underscored to great effect by a solemn spiritual, performed by the unseen Bilbrew Chorus. 

Less than a month after Chloe’s death, Gummy seduces another woman into marrying him, and doing all the work. Pappy works to ensure Chinquapin will have the education he never had. He sells his mule and his land to send the boy up north, away from his useless father. He receives criticism from the local pastor, but as Pappy sadly states, “What chance has he got down here?” 

The final scene with Pappy and Chinquapin is gut-wrenching. As the gang-plank is lifted on the steam boat headed north, we see Chinquapin’s final view of his beloved grandfather. Chinquapin waves goodbye to Nappus and his childhood sweetheart, and we are left hoping that the boy will one day to return to the town of his childhood.
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Photoplay, April 1929

As Barrios states, “it’s impossible not to squirm in discomfort at the tendency to show the characters as charmingly quaint and simple.” The power of Hearts in Dixie is its ability to overcome these stereotypes with a genuinely touching a story about a grandfather who wants the best for his grandson.

In Every Step a Struggle: Interviews with Seven Who Shaped the African-American Image in Movies, Henry Dobbs stated that while “the filmmakers seemed “sincere” in their efforts…the movie has done an injustice by transplanting “the lachrymose myths of Uncle Tom’s Cabin once more to the screen.” Similarly, Alexander Walker claims “African-American critics...on the one hand...praise[d] the rare appearance of a “black” film; and, on the other hand, showing concern over the caricatures blacks had to perform.” 

As The Encyclopedia of African American Actresses in Film and Television states, Hearts in Dixie “‘forward thinking’ in its day”, but “hopelessly racist by today’s standards.”

The most problematic caricature is that of Gummy, the lazy man — “You’re just nasty hopeless ain’t you,” “Act like you is a man…good for nothin’ hunk of licorice.” Played by Lincoln Perry under his stage name Stepin Fetchit, critics and historians remain divided over whether Perry’s portrayal was subversive or subservient. Barrios writes that Perry was possibly “mocking an oppressive white culture by expanding on its prejudices in the most garish fashion possible.” Hearts in Dixie was Perry’s breakout film, and his overwhelming popularity as the lay-about black man led Fox to sign Perry to a long-term contract, the first African American performer to do so.

Writer Walter Weems is credited with creating Lincoln Perry’s lazy character. In Every Step a Struggle, Clarence Muse stated “...I was seeing Mr. Weems sit him down; talking to Stepin Fetchit for hours. He’d say, “‘Step,’ I’m creating for you a characterization that’s going to make you very famous, going to get you lots of dough.” And they would rehearse him day after day in slow speed…” 
Clarence Muse is outstanding as Gummy’s opposite, Nappus. Muse was an influential, multi-talented, performer and writer who appeared on stage, film, television and radio in a career that spanned over five decades. As a founding member of the Lincoln Players and the Harlem Lafayette Theatre (one of the first theatres to desegregate its audience in 1913), he was a pioneer of the black theatre movement of the 1920s. According to Frank Manchel, “the black actor with the most screen credits up to 1972 [and]... one of the most controversial black performers to outsiders who wanted to reform Hollywood.” Initially trained as a lawyer, Muse went into show business after realizing opportunities for black lawyers were far and few between. Muse also worked as a composer, and wrote the musical Way Down South (1938) as well as Louis Armstrong’s theme song, “When It’s Sleepy Time Down South.” Muse was the first African American to direct on Broadway, with Run, Little Chillun in 1943.
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A.C. Hilbrew, The Afro American (September 21, 1929)

The undoubtable highlight of the film is the music, performed by the sixty member Bilbrew Chorus under the direction of A.C. Bilbrew. Bilbrew, also known as A.C. Bilbrew and Madame Bilbrew, was a renowned choral conductor and activist in Los Angeles. Bilbrew started out as an accompanist for the Hall Johnson Choir before becoming the conductor of the first African American chorus in Hollywood. She went on to direct the radio choir of “a major Los Angeles black church,” and was “famous for her Ladies Minstrel… and her much known Bilbrew Quartette.” The Quartette performed on the Orpheum Circuit, and on radio. She was also a poet, composer, and teacher. Bilbrew was a prominent activist, and her song “This is Freedom Day” became the anthem of National Freedom Day. The A C Bilbrew Library in Los Angeles is named in her honor.

The score was composed of music by three prominent musicians. Henry Thacker Burleigh was an African American composer and singer who is credited with helping to establish an “American School” in classical music. After studying under the tutelage of Dvorak at the National Conservatory of Music in New York City, Burleigh went on to a successful career performing, touring, and composing over 260 works for solo voice. He created nearly 190 choral arrangements, including arrangements of spirituals which were performed by high profile musicians. Burleigh was a soloist at both St George’s Episcopal Church, and Temple Emanu-El (the first African American soloist), for almost fifty years. He was a prominent and influential editor at Ricordi Record Company for almost thirty years and was reportedly the first African American singer to have a performance recorded. 

Credited as “America’s First Composer,” Stephen Foster worked during the mid-19th century. His catalogue of over 200 songs includes “Oh Susanna,” “Swanee River,” “Camptown Races,” and “Beautiful Dreamer.” Sadly Foster was an alcoholic and badly mismanaged his funds, and despite his extensive catalogue of popular and widely known songs, died penniless. He was inducted into the Songwriters Hall of Fame in 1970.

Howard Jackson was a composer, conductor, arranger, and music director. He worked as a performer, composer, and orchestrator for the Ziegfeld Follies in the 1930s.
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Film Daily ad (March 13, 1929)

Despite the racist undertones Hearts in Dixie was a highly enjoyable film. The dancing and singing are truly fantastic and hold up remarkably well, even if some of the dated sentiments about white superiority and simplistic portrayals of African American life in the south do not. 
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Remember last week when I said there were three musicals about college football in 1929? I lied. There were four. They all had similar plots, featured footage from actual games, and weren't particularly musical. Warner Bros' offering was The Time, the Place, and the Girl

Date of Release: July 6, 1929
Studio: Warner Bros. 
Director: Howard Bretherton 
Screenplay: Robert Lord, De Leon Anthony 
Music: Frank Adams, Irving Berlin, Nat Bonx, J. Fred Coots, Sam Coslow, Herman Darewski, Dorothy Fields, Jack Glogau, E. Ray Goetz, Will Hough, Joseph E. Howard, Moe Jaffe, Robert King, Ray Klages, Herb Magidson, Jimmy McHugh, Al Sherman, Larry Spier, Arthur Wimperis
Leading Actors: Grant Withers (Jim Crane), Betty Compson (Doris Ward), Gertrude Olmstead (Mae Ellis), James Kirkwood (Professor), Vivian Oakland (Mrs. Davis), Gretchen Hartman (Mrs. Winter), Irene Haisman (Mrs. Parks), John Davidson (Ward), Gerald King (Radio announcer), Bert Roach (Butter & egg man)

​Based on the play of the same name by Frank R. Adams, Joseph E. Howard and Will Hough (New York, 5 Aug 1907), The Time, the Place, and the Girl is now a lost film. According to a review in the Exhibitors Herald World (June 22, 1929), the “gags were updated” for the film, and the score was completely re-written — with the exception of the original song “Honeymoon.” 

Production began in January 1929, and was finished just two months later. The film received little print advertising as Warner Bros was in the middle of production for fourteen Vitaphone films, including On With the Show andThe Desert Song. During production, The Film Daily shared that parts of the Vitaphone sequences would be filmed outside, along with casting announcements. 

Although little print advertising can be found in the trade magazines, Warner Bros used other gimmicks to get the audiences into the theatre. Film Daily (Oct 7, 1929) reported that in Colorado, the studio had “Distributed three different kinds of cards, 500 of them reading “The Time”; 500 more reading, “The Place”, and only 50 reading “The Girl.” The game was that if a person turned up to the theatre with a complete set, they would be given three free tickets to the film. 

Another gimmick was a kind of film festival. Exhibitors Herald World (July 27, 1929) reported that the film was screened during “The Big 6” at the Minnesota theatre in Minneapolis, a six-week talkie extravaganza to try and lure audiences back into the theatre “after the novelty” of talkies had worn off. The event was advertised “with every possible medium,” including “Billboards, tack cards, programs and the screen.” Each week the theater screened a different film, and audiences were encouraged to come back each week and compare the films.

According to reports in Motion Picture News and Variety, although the film started very well at the box office, it took a nosedive within a couple of weeks. 

The reviews were mixed, and critics either loved or hated the film. Motion Picture News (May 4, 1929) declared it “by far one of the best all-talkers that have come from Warners” and praised the “excellent” cast and “humorous, wise-cracking” dialogue.  

A critic who had seen the original stage show (though they confessed it had been quite some time between viewings), gushed in the Exhibitors Herald World (June 22, 1929), “It’s a smart, swift, amusing, clever and altogether excellent talking-picture… The new version is better than the old one ever was or could be. It’s great.”  

Meanwhile, the critic at The Educational Screen (June, 1929) declared “Another hero with colossal ego, blatant conceit supposed to be funny. Crude voices, diction and dialog. Perfect illustration of ignorance and bad taste in production.” The journal’s hilariously condescending rating guide, divided into three groups “For Intelligent Adults,” “For Youth (15-20)” and “For Children (Under 15),” rated the film as “Stupid,” “Doubtful,” and “No” for each category respectively.

A later review in Exhibitors Herald World (Nov 16, 1929) stated, “Not much to this, no plot or story. Pulled them in fair but failed to satisfy.” Conversely, in the same publication a week later, another critic wrote, “Interesting story, very entertaining… Good satisfaction here.”

Unlike other musical films, none of the reviews make any mention of the music. This supports Jeff Cohen’s (author of the excellent Vitaphone Varieties blog), statement that the music in the film is mostly underscoring, with just one song, the aforementioned “Honeymoon.”

If this is the case, it is puzzling as to why the AFI catalogue lists a massive 19 composers (many of whom went on to highly successful musical careers) and the following songs, “How Many Times,” "I Wonder Who's Kissing Her Now," “Collegiate," “Collegiana," "Doin' the Raccoon,” "Fashionette," "Jack and Jill,” "Everything I Do I Do for You,” and "If You Could Care.”

The cast and creatives on the film were, for the most part, successful in their Hollywood careers. I've chosen not to include information on the composers here, as I cannot verify if their music was actually used in the film. 

The Film Daily (Dec 10, 1929) reported that in 1929 alone, Howard Bretherton directed four feature films and 10 Vitaphone Varieties (short talkies). By the end of his three decade career, Bretherton had directed over 100 films, mostly B grade westerns, often also assuming the role of editor.

Robert Lord wrote, or provided the story, for over 70 films between 1925 and 1957. These included several musicals such as My Man, So Long Letty, and Gold Diggers of Broadway. He won an Oscar for Best Original Screenplay for One Way Passage (1932), and was nominated for Black Legion (1937). 

De Leon Anthony was a writer and editor. 
Grant Withers received universally positive notices for his performance. He went on to appear in over 200 films and television shows, though mostly in supporting roles, in a career spanning thirty years. 

Betty Compson was a musician and actress who played the violin. After starting out in vaudeville, she became immensely popular for her wide range of film roles. For a short time Compson ran her own production company, Betty Compson Productions, and, later in life, her own cosmetics label. 

Gertrude Olmstead was a silent film actress with over sixty credits to her name. The Time, the Place, and the Girl was her last film. 

After starting out in theatre, James Kirkwood had a successful and prolific career in silent film as an actor and director. He made a smooth transition to talkies, and continued acting for another forty years, appearing in over two hundred films and television shows. He is the father of James Kirkwood Jr, who co-wrote the book for A Chorus Line

Vivian Oakland was a comedienne who got her break performing in the Ziegfeld Follies. She went to become a successful film actor, most notably in Laurel and Hardy films. 

Gretchen Hartman worked predominantly during the silent era. She was the mother of Alan Hale Jr, who is best remembered as the Skipper from Gilligan’s Island

Irene Haisman worked predominantly during the silent era. There is a gorgeous photo of Haisman with her family in the National Portrait Gallery collection. 

Gerald King appeared in a few films, however his main profession was in radio. He was the owner and manager of KFWB, Warner Bros’ radio station. After discovering a passion for music and recording, King left radio to start his own recording business. 

Bert Roach was a highly prolific actor who appeared in over 350 films, including So Long Letty, over the course of forty years.